Hell, Yes, They Knew
By Black Max

Revised June 20, 2002
Copyright © 2002 Black Max

 

"Americans will likely die on American soil, possibly in large numbers" as the result of terrorist attacks. -- Gary Hart and Warren Rudman, opening line of a report from the United States Commission on National Security, September 1999

As usual, the Bush administration, its cronies and compatriots, and the corporate media are all doing their level best to redirect America's attention away from the idea that the Bush administration might have had an inkling -- or more -- of what was to come on September 11, 2001. Ari Fleischer warns us to "watch what we say." George W. Bush, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Trent Lott, Robert Mueller, and innumerable others tell us to be quiet, take what we're given, and go away, at risk of being considered "contemptible," "despicable," "unpatriotic," or even worse, "aiding and abetting the cause of terrorism." John Ashcroft intones, "Disagreeing with the President only helps the terrorists," and Cheney thunders, "Such commentary is thoroughly irresponsible and totally unworthy...in a time of war." Dick Morris pens a nasty little article accusing the Clinton administration of being responsible for the country's lack of preparation; he and talk show maven Sean Hannity engage in a barrage of accusations that have Clinton all but flying one of the hijacked planes. (Karl Rove, Mary Matalin, and Donald Rumsfeld all called right-wing talk show hosts and asked for their help in circling the wagons.) First Lady Laura Bush sorrowfully accuses anyone who asks questions as "play[ing] upon the victims' families' emotions." Accusations fly that the Democrats and the liberal wing of political society are using the situation as political cannon fodder; one Democratic representative who states that the administration may have withheld knowledge of the impending attacks is painted as a "loony" who is working "directly against American interests." The Pentagon removes Democrats from a number of advisory boards, ensuring that sensitive information only goes to Republicans who, presumably, will keep their mouths shut. In the last few days, Bush has stated that he will not tolerate any further "second-guessing" of the administration, and Rumsfeld, doing his best Soviet kommisar impression, has threatened that "those who ask questions could face government charges," and said that any government agencies or media outlets who ask the wrong questions could be charged with "giving aid and comfort to the enemy." Believe it or not, the administration has the force of law on its side -- if you agree with their apparent conclusion that their USA PATRIOT bill (and its concurrent expansion of the War Powers Act of 1947) supersedes the Bill of Rights. I guess they're going to love this article.

Meanwhile, the powers-that-be desperately try to keep Congress from investigating the shocking intelligence lapses (in Tom Daschle's own words, "The vice president expressed the concern that a review of what happened on September 11 would take resources and personnel away from the effort in the war on terrorism"). They assert the claim of "executive privilege" when questions are asked. They beg for "unity" and "bipartisanship" while simultaneously attacking dissenters as "traitors" and "political agitators." They trot out the usual attempts to pin the blame on the Clinton administration ("Mr. Clinton can be held culpable for not doing enough when he was commander-in-chief to combat the terrorists who wound up attacking the World Trade Center and Pentagon," proclaims Rush Limbaugh in the Wall Street Journal, and Cheney's chief of staff I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby tells the New Yorker that the attacks occured because the Clinton administration had made it "easier for someone like Osama bin Laden to rise up and say credibly, 'The Americans don't have the stomach to defend themselves. . . . They are morally weak.'"). And, as expected, the administration lines up one high-ranking official after another -- Cheney, Rumsfeld, Colin Powell, FBI Director Robert Mueller, and others -- to try to scare us back into line with vague warnings of further terrorist attacks and questionable "alerts." As one bought-and-paid-for journalist put it, "Any argument against any aspect of the conduct of the war against terrorism must begin with those airplanes smashing into the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. And then it must stay there and never move from that spot." Wouldn't George W. Bush just love it if we were to all toe that line?

"If this were a dictatorship, it would be a heck of a lot easier, just so long as I'm the dictator." -- George W. Bush, December 18, 2000

Note: On Tuesday, May 21, the White House admitted that it had issued some of its "threat alerts" for political reasons and not because the threats were considered to be serious. "As U.S. officials continued to issue warnings yesterday about the possibility of attacks by suicide bombers and terrorists, the White House quietly acknowledged that the threats are not urgent and that they are partly motivated by political objectives," reported the Globe and Mail. "White House officials told reporters that the blunt warnings issued [on May 19 and 20] do not reflect a dramatic increase in threatening information but rather a desire to fend off criticism from the Democrats." The Washington Times, a strong supporter of the Bush administration, reported that "[t]he Bush administration issued a spate of terror alerts in recent days to mute criticism that its national security team sat on intelligence warnings in the weeks before the September 11 attacks. The warnings, including [Tuesday's] uncorroborated FBI report that terrorists might target the Statue of Liberty, quieted some of the lawmakers who said President Bush failed to act on clues of the September 11 attacks...." Now we're finding that some of the "alerts" were sparked by Arab prisoners watching the latest version of Godzilla and having a little fun at our expense. At no time during this barrage of alerts and warnings has the Office of Homeland Security changed the color of its "threat level" from yellow, where it has been since the idea was implemented in March 2002. As an op-ed in the San Francisco Chronicle puts it, "The evildoers are coming. Again. No, really, they are. This time we really mean it. Those last 17 times we only partially meant it.... Like some horrible clockwork they come, fresh terrorist attack warnings from the Bush administration or possibly a stern-faced government security agency, paced out every month or so just so you don't get too complacent, too wary, too, you know, suspicious. Just so you don't possibly become a little too skeptical and maybe start looking around and noticing you seem to have misplaced a great many of your civil liberties and maybe your healthy cautious patriotism."

"To announce that there must be no criticism of the president, or that we are to stand by the president right or wrong, is not only unpatriotic and servile, but is morally treasonable to the American public." -- Theodore Roosevelt, Republican

Deep Background:
The Gore Commission and the Clinton Administration's Own War on Terrorism

On August 2, 1996, the White House Commission on Aviation Safety and Security, commonly known as the Gore Commission, was appointed by Bill Clinton to analyze America's vulnerability to airborne terrorism and make recommendations for improvement. Unfortunately, the commission's final recommendations, issued in February 1997, were fought by both the airlines, who didn't want to spend the money necessary to make the improvements, and powerful members of the Congressional GOP, particularly folks like Trent Lott, Tom DeLay, and Bob Barr, who accused the Clinton administration of trying to use the entire terrorism issue as a "smokescreen" to obscure the "real" issue of the day, the Whitewater/Lewinsky investigation. The Gore report produced over 50 specific and tangible recommendations for airline flight security. These proposals would have cost the airlines and the U.S. government at least $429 million and possibly as much as $2.5 billion -- a significant amount of money that the airlines did not want to spend. And the airlines knew where their friends were: in the Republican wing of Congress. Eight of nine GOP senators serving on the Senate Aviation Subcommittee received campaign contributions from the airlines, whereas only one of the eight Democrats received money from the same sources. Ten of the twelve members on the House Appropriations subcommittee on transportation -- the committee that funds the FAA -- received campaign funds from the airlines. The airline industry and the right-wing press leaped to attack the Gore Commission reports as "overstepping its bounds" and "a partisan effort to scare the American people into spending money unnecessarily." One particularly interesting article in the March 1997 New Republic reported an amazingly misleading "actuarial breakdown" of the costs of the Gore Commission's recommendations as costing the airlines "a cost per life saved of well over $300 million." It's obvious that the airlines, along with their Republican friends, were far more interested in an (inaccurately calculated) cost-analysis of the potential lives that could be saved by following these recommendations, along with the usual accusations of partisan politics and smokescreening to divert attention from the "far more important" issue of whether or not President Clinton was receiving sexual favors from an intern. In the end, the congressional GOP forced the tabling of most of the Gore Commission's key recommendations, instead sending them back for "further study" -- then, presumably, going home to cash their checks.

Contrary to the spin from the Bush White House, the GOP, and the right-wing media, Bill Clinton worked hard to control terrorism and eradicate the bin Laden/al-Qaeda organization. As early as 1993, the Clinton administration authorized retaliatory strikes against the Iraqi Mukhabarat security forces for their abortive attempt to assassinate former President George Bush. After the August 1998 bombings of two American embassies in Africa, Clinton ordered massive air strikes against Osama bin Laden's camp in Afghanistan and a Sudanese chemical plant. In both instances, the congressional GOP was harshly critical of Clinton's responses, characterizing them as being "illegitimate" without congressional approval as well as feeble attempts to redirect the American people's collective attention away from the Paula Jones case and the September 1998 impeachment proceedings. The 1998 attacks came within a couple of hours of killing bin Laden, who fled the target site shortly before the missiles hit. After the attacks, Taliban officials stated that Clinton "should be stoned to death" for the attacks. Additionally, Clinton's decision to authorize the assassination of bin Laden came under heavy criticism from the right.

The lapdog media loves to talk about the chances that the Clinton administration had to collar Osama bin Laden that it supposedly "turned down." Not true. In March and April of 1996, the administration brokered an agreement with the government of Sudan to arrest bin Laden and turn him over to Saudi Arabia. For ten weeks, Clinton tried to persuade the Saudis to accept the offer. They refused. With no cooperation from the Saudis, and no case to mount indictments with in the U.S. judicial system, the deal fell apart. (This is characterized by Rush Limbaugh as a blatant refusal by Clinton to take bin Laden from the Sudanese.) Two years later, the CIA was directed by Clinton to train and equip five dozen commandos from Pakistan to enter Afghanistan and capture bin Laden. The efforts failed when a military coup overthrew the Pakistani government and installed a new one. That same year, as noted above, Clinton unleashed a major air strike against bin Laden in Afghanistan and the Sudan, following the terrorist bombings of U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. Of course, Republicans leapt to accuse Clinton of firing missiles just to divert media attention from the Lewinsky hearings. In 1998, Clinton sponsored legislation to freeze the financial assets of international organizations suspected of funneling money to bin Laden's Al Qaeda network. GOP Senator Phil Gramm killed the bill on behalf of the banking industry, who wanted to keep the money flowing. (After 9/11, Bush called for identical legislation.) In August 1998, the United States conducted a bombing run against bin Laden's facilities in Afghanistan and the Sudan.

Most notably, in late 1999, the Clinton administration issued a major alert that al-Qaeda would try to explode a suitcase bomb in the Los Angeles airport. American intelligence agencies and security forces stopped bin Laden's "Millennium plot" cold.

Certainly the Clinton administration's efforts to hunt down bin Laden were not uniformly successful, nor were they always well-thought out or consistent. The attack on the Sudanese pharmaceutical plant came under heavy criticism after questions arose about the plant's real role in producing chemical weapons. A planned December 2000 strike against bin Laden was shelved after top-level review determined that the information used in planning the strike was "stale," may not have done real damage to al-Qaeda or bin Laden, and may have resulted in casualties among innocent civilians. Another possible opportunity to arrest bin Laden was declined when administration officials decided that there were insufficient legal grounds to make the arrest, probably the worst mistake made by the Clinton administration in trying to end the threat of terrorism. Accusations that the Clinton administration didn't focus hard enough and early enough on dealing with bin Laden and global terrorism in general are probably well founded, though the same accusations could be leveled at the previous Bush administration (both of which apparently tried to "straddle the fence" between hounding al-Qaeda and keeping Saudi Arabia and Afghanistan happy). But, as NSC chief Sandy Berger said, "This was a top priority for us over the past several years, and not a day went by when we didn't press as hard as we could." Not so for the second Bush administration.

Comparing the two in the Washington Post, Lt. General Donald Kerrick, who had come from top posts on the Joint Staff and the Defense Intelligence Agency to manage Clinton's National Security Council staff and remained at the NSC nearly four months after Bush took office, noticed a big difference on the approach the two administrations took towards terrorism: "Clinton's Cabinet advisers, burning with the urgency of their losses to bin Laden in the African embassy bombings in 1998 and the Cole attack in 2000, had met 'nearly weekly' to direct the fight, Kerrick said. Among Bush's first-line advisers, 'candidly speaking, I didn't detect' that kind of focus, he said. 'That's not being derogatory. It's just a fact.'" The Clinton administration worked hard and long, if not always effectively, to capture bin Laden. In contrast, the Bush administration stood down and let the terrorists work virtually undaunted. The Bush administration halted drone tracking of bin Laden, it ceased the previous administration's covert deployment of missile strike forces that could, if ordered, strike against bin Laden's group almost instantly, it abandoned federal oversight of terrorist money laundering and offshore banking operations, it refused to mount an offensive against bin Laden's forces after determining that al-Qaeda was responsible for the attack on the U.S.S. Cole, and it ordered federal agencies to "back off" investigating the bin Laden family. (While the Bush administration likes to paint Osama bin Laden as "the black sheep" of the bin Laden family, the FBI has evidence showing that at least two other members of the family, both of whom resided in the U.S. before 9/11, are affiliated with terrorist organizations.) Another damning indictment of the Bush administration's policy towards both the bin Laden family and al-Qaeda comes from a book, "BinLaden: The Forbidden Truth," co-written by a former member of French intelligence, asserts that the Bush administration "went easy" on al-Qaeda in the interest of building an oil pipeline through Taliban-controlled Afghanistan and to maintain good relations with Saudi Arabia.

1996 also saw the Clinton administration attempted to pass stringent anti-terrorism legislation through the Republican-led Congress, but GOP efforts to dilute and defang the legislation was successful. (After 9/11, Congress passed the same legislation without argument.) Orrin Hatch termed one provision, the study of "taggants," which was opposed by the NRA, "a phony issue," and Trent Lott disparaged the entire bill, preferring to push study of the proposed legislation to a later date. The Gore Commission's recommendations were widely disparaged by the right as wasteful and unnecessary, and few of them were implemented until after 9/11. Similarly, the United States Commission on National Security, chaired by Democrat Gary Hart and Republican Warren Rudman, released in January 2001 a huge report on the state of international terrorism and what steps it thought the Bush administration should take to ensure the safety of this country and its citizenry. The White House pushed aside the report, preferring instead to have Vice President Dick Cheney study the potential problem of domestic terrorism with a task force of his own. Bush also reassigned responsibility for dealing with the issue to the Federal Emergency Management Agency, and promptly proposed cutting FEMA's budget by $200 million. That same day, Bush announced that Cheney would direct a government-wide review on managing the consequences of a domestic attack, and stated, "I will periodically chair a meeting of the National Security Council to review these efforts." Neither Cheney's review nor Bush's ever took place.

According to the Gore Commission's final report, released on February 12, 1997, "[t]he federal government should consider aviation security as a national security issue, and provide substantial funding for capital improvements. The Commission believes that terrorist attacks on civil aviation are directed at the United States, and that there should be an ongoing federal commitment to reducing the threats that they pose." The Bush administration categorically ignored almost every recommendation made by both the Gore and the Hart-Rudman commissions. Interestingly, after 9/11, a group of similar proposals from the National Commission on Terrorism were enacted almost immediately. According to chairman Paul Bremer, "...since Sept. 11 almost every one of our recommendations has either been enacted by the executive branch or been put into law by Congress, which suggests that we probably had a pretty good menu of things to do before Sept. 11." The commission's report was issued in June 2000 and had been largely ignored up until 9/11.

On September 10, less than 24 hours before the attacks, Attorney General John Ashcroft proposed major cutbacks in federal monies for state and local anti-terrorism efforts. One proposed $65 million cut was for a program that gives state and local counterterrorism grants for equipment, including radios and decontamination suits and training to localities for counterterrorism preparedness. (Needless to say, after the attacks, the funding was retained.) He also sent a memo to his department heads that stated his seven priorities: counter-terrorism was not on the list. He turned down an FBI request for hundreds more agents to be assigned to tracking terrorist threats. According to a Newsweek report, Ashcroft and outgoing FBI Louis Freeh had a fundamental difference in their priorities, with Freeh wanting to continue the Clinton administration's focus on anti-terrorism and Ashcroft determined to focus on violent crime and drugs. "[W]hen Mr. Freeh began to talk about his concern about the terrorist threat facing the country, [according to a participant in the Freeh-Ashcroft meeting] 'Ashcroft didn't want to hear about it.'" Ashcroft was also curiously defensive about the rights of suspected terrorists to own guns; he blocked the FBI's attempts to investigate gun-purchase records to see if any of them had recently bought weapons. And over at the Defense Department, Secretary Donald Rumsfeld wasn't particularly interested in counter-terrorism measures, but rather in getting the "Star Wars" missile shield established. Rumsfeld killed a request to shift $800 million from the missile-defense budget to counterterrorism, as well as ordered the grounding of the Predator drones sent up by the Clinton administration to track and possibly assist in assassinating Osama bin Laden.

In spite of all the Bush administration officials who didn't show a strong interest in dealing with terrorism, according to Joe Conason, "[i]n fact, it was two officials held over from the previous administration -- counterterror chief Richard Clarke and C.I.A. director George Tenet -- who tried to direct the government\rquote s attention to the looming threat from Al Qaeda in the weeks and months before Sept. 11." Not surprisingly, neither Tenet nor Clarke were given much of a hearing by Bush and his officials.

I think this proves without a doubt that before the September 11 attacks, the Bush administration had little interest in fighting terrorism, finding and neutralizing Osama bin Laden and other well-known terrorist figures, or securing the safety of this country and its citizenry. After 9/11, we have seen an apparent 180-degree turn by the Bush administration towards a full-fledged, loudly trumpeted "war against terrorism." And in true Orwellian fashion, the administration insists that it has always been fighting against terrorism, it always will fight against terrorism, and any attempts to say otherwise, no matter what the facts prove, is traitorous and un-American.

"The truth is useless. You can't deposit it in the bank. You can't eat it. It's absolutely useless." -- Oliver North

Hell, Yes, They Knew. How Could They Not?

This brings us to the question of exactly what the Bush administration ignored before 9/11, and what they knew (but claim to be ignorant of). In light of press secretary Ari Fleischer's statement, "The president did not receive information about the use of airplanes as missiles by suicide bombers. This was a new type of attack that was not foreseen," and national security advisor Condoleeza Rice's followup statement, "I don't think that anyone could have predicted that these people would take an airplane and slam it into the World Trade Center," let's look at the following timeline.

Note: In many entries, direct quotes and/or paraphrasings from the source materials are included. See the bottom of this article for sources.

"They were either asleep or inept, or both." -- Senator Richard Shelby on the FBI's failure to correlate information relating to 9/11

"If lying about an act of consensual sex is an impeachable offense, than lying about foreknowledge of terrorist acts certainly ought to be." -- Scot A. Griffin

So what are we looking at? To my eyes, it looks like a string of lies, evasions, and scurrilous accusations from an administration who, at the very least, dodged and ignored its duty to protect the citizens of this country. It's way past time for an impartial investigation into just what this administration did and didn't know before the events of September 11. Depending on the kind of information that comes out about this administration's demonstrated incompetence and willful ignorance, then at the minimum, highly placed administration heads should roll, and George W. Bush should think long and hard about his ability to continue running this country. He should also think twice about running for re-election. If information comes out about this administration knowingly allowing the attack to take place, or even worse, members of this administration being in any way complicit in the attacks...well, George W. won't be the first president to be impeached. But he might be the first to be convicted of treason.

Q: Is the war against terrorism about something other than what the people of the world are being told?
A: What war against terrorism? -- from an interview with Mike Vreeland, U.S. Naval Intelligence officer

SOURCES:
A special thanks to Buzzflash for compiling so many of these reports, many of them from hard-to-find and lesser-known sources.

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